Monday, December 12, 2016

DCNS Scorpene leak: Forget Rex Patrick, sack Rear Admiral Greg Sammut instead for failing to utilize intelligence spoon fed him



by Ganesh Sahathevan


RADM Gregory John Sammut

As reported by The Australian

Xenophon told the Defence Minister that in 2013, Patrick had shown a part of the confidential leaked data to Defence’s most senior submariner, Rear Admiral Greg Sammut, but nothing had come of it.
Sammut says he passed the information on to Defence Intelligence, who never followed it up with him.


If The Australian story is accurate, then  Sammut not only failed to pursue the matter,he failed to see that the leak compromised the proposed DCNS Shortfin -Barracuda Block A1 to the point where it would be worthless against the enemy, and strongly advice against it.

Then, even worse, Sammut failed to obtain from Patrick all the leaked data.That data could have helped Australia build its own submarine, based on the Scorpene. Alternatively the data  could have been used in negotiations with DCNS to drive the price down.

That sort of thing might be beneath Sammut, but industrial espionage is a bread and butter activity for governments and business, for whom it is a vital means by which to gain an advantage over their competition, and cut costs. In this case,there could have been enormous savings to the Australian  taxpayer, but all of that seemed to have gone over Sammut's decorated head, despite he having graduated with a MBA.

He should be sacked for incompetence,and the DCNS Shortfin -Barracuda Block A1 canned.

END





Navigating the submarine leaks scandal: the story behind a scoop

Rex Patrick, a former navy submariner, left his former role as a training officer for foreign navies to join Nick Xenophon as an adviser early this year.
On August 29, independent senator Nick Xenophon walked into the office of Defence Minister Marise Payne and handed her a data stick containing the stolen secrets of India’s new submarine fleet.
Xenophon also told her that the person behind the explosive story in The Australian five days earlier — which revealed the leak of 22,400 pages of secret data on the French-designed Indian fleet — was his own senior adviser Rex Patrick.
The senator told Payne that the actions of Patrick, a former submariner, were those of a whistleblower who had acted in Australia’s national interest by helping to protect the integrity of the $50 billion future submarine project.
Then came an unexpected twist. Xenophon told the Defence Minister that in 2013, Patrick had shown a part of the confidential leaked data to Defence’s most senior submariner, Rear Admiral Greg Sammut, but nothing had come of it.
Sammut says he passed the information on to Defence Intelligence, who never followed it up with him.
It was an astonishing claim in a story that already had become a global scandal and front-page news in France and India.
This was just one in a series of remarkable backroom developments in the submarine leaks controversy that The Australian can now reveal. They have embroiled navy top brass, the Turnbull cabinet, diplomats and spies as investigators in three countries try to contain the damage and ­apportion blame for the massive international security leak.
Now Patrick, who has agreed to speak about his role for the first time, has told of his meeting with Sammut and his decision to become a whistleblower.
Patrick received the data stick containing the 22,400 leaked files by accident in April 2013 after the data had been stolen from DCNS by a former subcontractor in 2011 and had made its way from France to Southeast Asia and on to Sydney.
The 49-year-old Patrick left his former role as a training officer for foreign navies to join Xenophon as an adviser early this year. He says that after he sat on the leaked submarine documents for more than three years, it was time to make public the fact that the French company that will design Australia’s new submarine fleet had suffered a catastrophic criminal leak of confidential data on its Indian submarine project in 2011.
“It was time to get the issue out into the open. It alerted Australian taxpayers to the problem … they have a right to know that the problem exists, that they (the government) need to work with France to solve,” he says.
At first the government was furious when it learned of Xenophon’s role in sanctioning Patrick’s decision to disclose the leak to this newspaper. The public revelation was hugely embarrassing for Australia, France and India.
It was a black eye for the global reputation of French shipbuilder DCNS, in which the Turnbull government had invested heavily by announcing it as the winner of the competition to design Australia’s new submarine fleet.
In the eyes of the government, the South Australian senator had sanctioned a leak that had harmed the reputation of DCNS and, by extension, Australia’s ­future submarine project.
Defence Industry Minister Christopher Pyne did not accept Xenophon and Patrick’s argument that the disclosure was in the public interest because it would prompt France and Australia to redouble efforts to prevent a similar leak on the Australian submarine project.
Pyne was furious at his South Australian political rival and said publicly that whoever leaked the story could not be classified as a whistleblower.
Yet Pyne and Payne knew within hours of The Australian breaking the story on August 24 that Xenophon was linked to the leak.
That morning, Xenophon had called Payne’s office to confess his and Patrick’s role in the story, but the minister was travelling overseas so he told a staffer he would tell Payne the full story when she returned. Once Xenophon confessed Patrick’s identify to Payne, it became an open secret in government and Defence circles.
Soon after The Australian revealed news of the leak, Sammut, as head of the Future Submarine Project, told Defence secretary Dennis Richardson and Payne of his brief discussion with Patrick three years earlier.
Sammut, who then was a commodore in charge of submarine capability, is one of the most respected officers in Defence. At that time, there was no competition for the future submarine and DCNS was not a contender.
Patrick and Sammut give different versions of their meeting on that day. Patrick says he approached Sammut in the waiting room of a Defence estimates hearing in May 2013 with the leaked Scorpene data.
“I put a USB stick into my computer and presented the front screen of the Scorpene datafile to Greg,” says Patrick.
“I then told him how the data came into my possession and took him through a couple of pages of the disk.”
Patrick says he made the significance of the data clear to Sammut. “I offered to surrender the disk to him but required an undertaking that my name, as the source of the disk, not be provided to anyone,” he says. “He told me he was not sure he could do that and would have to seek advice.”
Sammut disputes Patrick’s version of events and says he was not made aware of the significance of the data during their short discussion. “I did not view the information regarding a Scorpene submarine Mr Patrick claimed to hold in any detail,” Sammut said in a statement last night. “I did see one page of indeterminate material on his computer screen. He did not indicate that this information concerned India’s Scorpenes.”
Sammut said he reported this encounter to the then deputy ­director of intelligence and sec­urity and it was agreed that the Defence Intelligence Organisation would take up the matter.
Patrick says the DIO did not make contact with him and as far as he is aware, nothing further happened.
Yet the decision by Xenophon and Patrick in August to surrender the stolen DCNS data file to Payne created a dilemma for the government, which had to decide what to do with 22,400 pages of highly sensitive data on the submarine fleet of a major regional power.
Payne told The Australian yesterday she did not access the data drive and had no way to verify its contents. “I conveyed the drive to the secretary of my department. The drive was provided to a senior official at the French embassy, given its purported contents were the property of French company DCNS.”
France is believed to have provided a copy to the Indian government, although the Indian high commission in Canberra could not confirm this yesterday.
Investigators in both countries are trying to gauge the extent of the damage that may have been caused if the leaked data were ­accessed by a foreign power.
French public prosecutors and French intelligence agencies are also tracking down a French ­former DCNS subcontractor who was also a former French naval officer and who is believed to have stolen the data from DCNS and taken it to Malaysia for use in a naval training course.
The former officer lost control of that data when he was sacked and locked out of his workplace with the data still on his work computer inside the building. That company placed the data — apparently thinking that it was routine naval training data — on an internet server before posting it by regular mail to ­Patrick at a Sydney post office box address.
The Australian understands French prosecutors have identified the former employee who stole the data and are building a prosecution case against him.
DCNS is also aware of Patrick and Xenophon’s role in disclosing the leak to The Australian.
Yet despite knowing this, DCNS reportedly believes its rival German submarine bidder, TKMS, is behind the story.
The company’s global head, Herve Guillou, called the leak “economic warfare” and The Australianunderstands the French government has formally complained to Berlin about Germany’s alleged role.
TKMS is angered by the implication and anxious to refute it, fearing it could damage its own reputation and place at risk lucrative defence contracts.
Late last month, TKMS quietly dispatched two investigators to Australia to examine if any of its Australian employees played a role in the leak story.
The company is expected to soon tell the French government it has found no evidence to support the allegations from Paris.
The Australian has been told TKMS did not know of the leak until it appeared in this paper.
The DCNS accusation against Germany has also puzzled Patrick, who says he did not have a preference among the three bidders. He says if he had wanted to harm the French bid, he would have leaked the story during the bidding process rather than four months after.
For DCNS, the leak has already come at a high price, with reports India will no longer pursue a $2 billion option to purchase more Scorpene submarines.
In Australia, disclosure of the leak has served the purpose Patrick intended. Despite Canberra’s initial attempts to play down the leak’s significance, it has led the government to conduct a comprehensive review into all aspects of the information security regime that will apply to Australia’s new submarine fleet.
It has also triggered a review of secrecy procedures within DCNS in France.
Xenophon is adamant Patrick did the right thing in revealing the leak. “I have no doubt the French will help us build first-class submarines but if there is another sec­urity breach then it will put the nation’s defence and in particular those submariners in the ocean at serious risk,” he says.
“This disclosure has huge benefits for our national security and could potentially save the lives of our submariners by ensuring that security is as tight as it must be.”
The government remains unimpressed and at the weekend said it would review Patrick’s defence security clearance despite knowing his role in the leak since Aug­ust. 
“The government does not consider the unauthorised disclosure of information to be appropriate or in the public interest,” Payne says.
Xenophon says this is a case of the government trying to hide its embarrassment, “a classic case of shoot the messenger who disclosed information in the public interest”.

Friday, December 9, 2016

To China via Malaysia: Indian Scorpene designs likely to have been passed on to China via Malaysian company substituted for Razak Baginda's Perimekar

by Ganesh Sahathevan 
The Age reported this morning :

The Indian Scorpene submarine files marked "Restricted" appear to have originally been taken from DCNS in France in 2011 by a former French naval officer who was working for the firm as a contractor. The assumption is that he and a French colleague then took a contract with the Kuala Lumpur firm Quantum Ark Technologies to train the Malaysian Navy.

But the Frenchmen fell out with their firm's owner and they were locked out of the company's premises and unable to retrieve their work possessions, including the Scorpene files.

It is those two men who will be the main targets of the French investigation and could face prosecution and jail. Their whereabouts are unknown. Nor is it clear whether Quantum Ark Technologies knew at any stage they had stolen classified documents on their premises.
(see full story below)

Quantum Ark is quite likely a front company set-up solely as vehicles for Malaysian government contracts awarded to cronies of the ruling UMNO. In fact, Quantum

Technologies appears to have been formed to take-over contracts awarded Perimekar Sdn Bhd, a company controlled by one Razak Baginda, a confidant of the Malaysian Prime Minister Najib Razak ,who is implicated in a French corruption scandal involving the Malaysian Scorpene contract, and the murder pf a Mongolian woman. Fees paid to  Perimekar were reported to be primarily for the training of Malaysian Navy personnel with regards the Scorpenes.. That Quantum's CEO Ahmad Izzat's previous work was in graphic design does little to challenge the above.

Given the increasingly close defence ties between Najib and China, it is more likely than not that the Indian Scorpense plans have long since been delivered to Beijing.
END


Revealed: Senator Nick Xenophon, the 

staffer and the national security leak

It was shortly after midnight on August 20 when a former submariner turned political staffer stood in an Adelaide office and scanned copied pages of classified Indian submarine plans.
A little over a week later, details of the leak were splashed across the front page of a national newspaper, triggering an international furore that embarrassed India and the French government-owned submarine builder DCNS. It also sparked questions in Australia about whether our $50 billion submarine building program could be fully secure under its partnership with DCNS.

Fairfax Media can now reveal the man who triggered the storm was Rex Patrick, an adviser to the powerful South Australian crossbench senator Nick Xenophon. It can also be revealed the Senate kingmaker knew what his staffer was doing and supported him.
The leak of thousands of pages of information about the Indian Scorpene submarines included stealth capabilities and sensitive data related to diving, sonar, noise and the combat system. The plans had been swiped from Paris in 2011 by a contractor before making their way to Australia via Mr Patrick.


A Fairfax Media investigation has also discovered Mr Patrick tried to tell the Department of Defence in 2013 that DCNS had suffered the major data breach, but the senior navy officer he spoke to did not act on the information. It is understood Mr Patrick spoke to the officer for about five minutes in an office in Parliament House and even showed him some of the files on a computer disk.
That disclosure is likely to cause considerable concern in Paris and New Delhi, both of which remained ignorant of the 22,000-page data breach for three years until The Australian published news of its existence. DCNS did not know one of its own contractors had, without authorisation, walked out with the classified documents, while the Indian government remained unaware that sensitive blueprints for its future undersea capability were roaming the world and vulnerable to rival governments.
Mr Patrick's eventual decision – announcing to the world via a newspaper leak that one of the world's premier makers of cutting-edge submarines had suffered a massive data breach – has sparked a major investigation to find out how the episode unfolded, who was behind it and what their motives were.
Mr Patrick declined to comment to Fairfax Media. Senator Xenophon said he was made aware of the classified documents "only several days" before news of the leak was published.


"I believe it was very much in the public interest that the data breach be revealed publicly ... I consider the person who disclosed the existence of the data breach to have behaved, in all circumstances, in a highly ethical and appropriate manner and in the public interest," he said.
Mr Patrick did not leak the 22,000 pages of documents to The Australian, but alerted the media organisation to its existence along with a few redacted sample pages to prove the breach was real.
Metadata on one of the redacted documents posted as a PDF file on the paper's website lists the creator's username as "patrickr". The metadata also shows the documents were sent from an office in Adelaide, which Fairfax Media believes is Senator Xenophon's electorate office.
Senator Xenophon came out the day after the leak story caused a political furore and called on the government to consider "suspending negotiations" with DCNS until the breach could be fully investigated.
DCNS did not know one of its own contractors had, without authorisation, walked out with the classified documents.
The Indian Scorpene submarine files marked "Restricted" appear to have originally been taken from DCNS in France in 2011 by a former French naval officer who was working for the firm as a contractor. The assumption is that he and a French colleague then took a contract with the Kuala Lumpur firm Quantum Ark Technologies to train the Malaysian Navy.
But the Frenchmen fell out with their firm's owner and they were locked out of the company's premises and unable to retrieve their work possessions, including the Scorpene files.
It is those two men who will be the main targets of the French investigation and could face prosecution and jail. Their whereabouts are unknown. Nor is it clear whether Quantum Ark Technologies knew at any stage they had stolen classified documents on their premises.
The firm refused to comment.
Mr Patrick took over the training contract with Quantum Ark Technologies in 2013 and effectively inherited the Frenchmen's office, including a disk with the classified files.
Despite knowing that he was in possession of stolen classified material, he did not try to alert DCNS directly or return the files to the company. Then working for shadow defence minister David Johnston, Mr Patrick did, however, give a visiting senior navy officer in Senator Johnston's parliamentary office a basic briefing on the material. Somehow, Mr Patrick was not clear or forceful enough to convince the officer – who was not working on the future submarine program but is understood to have had knowledge about submarines – of the significance of the material.
Mr Patrick followed up with a brief inquiry with the officer as to whether he would grant Mr Patrick's requested anonymity in taking the matter forward but nothing further came of it. Fairfax Media understands the naval officer volunteered the information he had been told of the documents three years ago after the news reports broke in August.
It remains unclear why Mr Patrick did not pursue the issue harder with Defence in 2013, or why, when he decided to revive the matter in 2016, he went anonymously to a newspaper rather than having Senator Xenophon go public with proof that Australia's new submarine partner has had data security problems in the past. Senator Xenophon declined to answer specific questions on these matters.
One question that has lingered is whether other forces have been at play to undermine DCNS. French authorities are understood to believe there were other interests exerting an influence. The company's global head, Herve Guillou, has suggested commercial rivals had a hand, calling the leak "economic warfare".
Several sources have told Fairfax Media that Germany's TKMS – which lost to DCNS in the Australian bid – has been carrying out its own investigation.
Intriguingly, the metadata on one of the PDFs that Mr Patrick created on a Konica Minolta printer in Adelaide shows that a little after that document was created, it was altered in Europe before being sent back to Australia. The time stamp is GMT+2, which is the time during summer months in both France and Germany.
Former Indian Navy officer and now defence scholar with the Observer Research Foundation, Abhijit Singh, said Indian officials have concluded the material isn't as incendiary as they first thought and relations between India and France were robust enough to get past the embarrassing episode. But he said it could help kill off New Delhi's plans to buy three more Scorpenes at a cost of about $2 billion.
Mr Patrick is not being investigated by Australian authorities. It is understood he has not been stripped of his security clearance with Defence, which he has held as a contractor and navy reservist

Friday, November 25, 2016

Should not the Inner Temple disbar Malaysian AG Apandi Ali (called 1973)

by Ganesh Sahathevan

This blog has long been a fan of  Apandi Ali, currently Attorney General of Malaysia His gags keep coming, often descending to new levels of absurdity.

We are of course not alone. He has managed in the past few months to agitate even  the usually placid Swiss, first by stupidly  insisting that some USD 681 million stolen from the Malaysian sovereign wealth fund 1MDB was in fact a "donation" from some unknown Arab to the Malaysian Prime Minister Najib (who appointed him,and can just as easily sack him) ,and then flat out refusing to assist with  continued ,desperate request for assistance from the Swiss, on the basis that it was contrary to Malaysian law.

As if that was not good enough Apandi has simultaneously taken on the United States Justice Department ,who in July this year filed an application to seize some USD 1 billion in assets said to have been purchased with money  stolen from 1MDB.That action has been commenced pursuant to US asset seizure laws that are meant to recover the proceeds of crime, and in this case kleptocracy. The legislation enabling the seizure is based on civil rather than criminal proceedings, and Apandi has expanded a not inconsiderable amount of time and energy telling anyone who cares to listen that these being civil proceedings,the matter of criminal activity does not arise.

Perhaps his best performance so far  was one in January this year, where in an attempt to patiently and carefully explain why he was closing another instance of theft from 1MDB, Apandi held up props which actually proved the crime!


All this from a member of the The Honourable Society of the Inner Temple, to which Apandi was called in 1973.His talent for comedy is obvious, but as a barrister and member of the Inner Temple? One should hope not.
END


From Clare Rewcastle-Brown's Sarawak Report


 Bungling AG Gives Away MORE EVIDENCE At Press Conference Meant To Clear Najib!  EXCLUSIVE

Bungling AG Gives Away MORE EVIDENCE 

At Press Conference Meant To Clear Najib! EXCLUSIVE

Paper waved by Apandi revealed a further previously unreported RM27 million traced by the MACC into Najib's own account!
Paper waved by Apandi revealed a further previously unreported RM27 million traced by the MACC into Najib’s own account!
An extraordinary blunder by Najib’s loyalist Attorney General, Mohammed Apandi, caused him to release further evidence against the PM at the very press conference set up to announce he was dropping the case!
Sarawak Report has obtained exclusive close-ups of documents held up by Apandi at the event, which show that investigators had traced a further RM33 million on top of the RM42 million, which the PM has now admitted was siphoned from the KWAP public pension fund into his personal bank accounts.
It left observers wondering why the PM did not bring today’s explanations of innocence to cover all the money that has gone into his accounts and referred only to the sums which have already been exposed?

So much evidence, but no charges brought!

The bungling AG appears to have been attempting to show off how comprehensive the MACC investigation into the affair had been, by waving a sheaf of documents before the press.
It appears the elderly lawyer had not taken into account the modern zoom lenses in the hands of the surrounding journalists and unfortunately for him, the highly coloured charts and diagrams prepared by investigators could be seen clearly enough in the left hand document to reveal the complex trail by which further payments of RM27 million plus RM6 million were made to the Prime Minister – sums that haver never previously been mentioned.
He then funnelled these payments through two further accounts to fund two credit cards used on his summer holiday in 2014 and also to make payments to what are termed at ’17 recipients’, who received over RM23 million between them.
According to the MACC document waived at the press conference by Apandi the further RM27 million came into Najib's account via the UBG linked company Putrajaya Perdana Berhad.
According to the MACC document waved at the press conference by Apandi the further RM27 million came into Najib’s account via the UBG linked company Putrajaya Perdana Berhad.
For clarity Sarawak Report has drawn up its own version of the chart based on our best possible identification of the figures, below:
UPDATED clearer chart drawn up by Sarawak Report
UPDATED clearer chart drawn up by Sarawak Report

Sarawak Report’s credit card information confirmed correct!

It can immediately be seen that the new money trail embroils yet another Jho Low related company, again run by some of Najib’s closest cronies in the 1MDB affair.  Putrajaya Perdana Berhad, of which the Chairman is none other than the head of Tabung Haji, Abdul Azeez Rahim, who has already been caught up in a raft of separate 1MDB related scandals.
The MACC document, while unclear in certain details, plainly shows how a total of RM33 million was shifted from SRC (which had received an original loan from the KWAP pension fund) between PPB and its subsidiaries, before being sent into Najib’s AmBank account numbers 2112022011880 and 2112022011906 in July and August 2014.
These transfers are entirely separate to the payments of RM42 million into the same accounts later in December and then the following February, which came through separate companies named Ihsan Perdana and Gandigan Mentari and have already been admitted to by Najib.
The chart also confirms separate reports published by Sarawak Report in August last year and followed up last week, detailing how this SRC money had been used to pay two credit cards used by the Prime Minister on his European holidays in 2014.
Sarawak Report had detailed the numbers of the two credit cards and the amounts spent:
Visa Card no: 4585 8180 0000 5496, on which RM449,000 was spent and a Master Card no: 5289 4380 0003 8961, on which RM2.8 million was spent
And it can be seen that the MACC document waved by Apandi corroborates the very same card details and expenditures for those numbers in both cases.  Accusations from BN last week that Sarawak Report had “lied” on this matter can therefore be demonstrated to be unfounded by the very documents waved by Apandi at his own press conference.
RM2.8m spent on the Master Card and RM.4m on the Visa in August 2014
RM2.8m spent on the Master Card and RM.4m on the Visa in August 2014 – the cards end in the same 3 digits

Who were the 17 mystery ‘recipients’?

Another fascinating detail can be picked out from Apandi’s ill-advisedly waved chart.  It can be seen that sums totalling RM12 million flowed on from the PM’s account ending 880 into his other AmBank account ending 906 (which was also to receive some of the monies paid later from the RM42 million).
Much of this money travelled via a third account number ending 898 and it can be seen that a separate payment of RM6 million was also paid into the account directly from a separate subsidiary of PPB named Putrajaya Perdana Construction.
This 906 account is shown to have gone on to pay what are described in the chart as “17 recipients” who together received a total of RM23,520,610 million.  The identity of these 17 recipients ought surely to be publicised if Mr Apandi is wishing to prove a clean slate?
After all, murdered MACC prosecutor Kevin Morais, who had originally worked on the investigation had told Sarawak Report that the money had not merely been used for personal credit card spending but to cover various election related expenditures:
“Actually, the spending .. was rather mundane. Credit card bills, shopping, suppliers to the last elections that had not gotten paid because BNM had frozen the accounts of other proxy companies, that sort of stuff.” [email sent to Sarawak Report]
The over-riding question arising from this new information therefore is does Najib have the same excuse for how the money got into his account that he has just provided to explain the RM42 million that came in later?  Najib has stated that he had not known how the RM42 million reached his account or that it had come from SRC via Ihsan Perdana and Gandingan Mentari.  Instead, he had thought he had transferred it from the ‘donated’ US$681 million allegedly provided by a Saudi Royal.
Does he have the same excuse for this different sum of money which also came from SRC but through a completely different series of companies, before being shunted around three of his personal accounts in order to pay for this and that?

Putrajaya Perdana Berhad

The new involvement of this sensitive public company, which has received a wealth of public contracts in recent years, opens a new dimension in the 1MDB/SRC scandal.
Followers of the scandal will know that PPB was one of the subsidiaries of the Taib company UGB, which the tycoon Jho Low bought into in 2008.  The papers released by Sarawak Report have proved what many suspected at the time, which was that money was later funnelled from 1MDB to buy out UGB profiting both Low and Taib Mahmud.
PPB, was allegedly purchased by PetroSaudi, but soon sold on again back to UGB and then to a new owner Cendana Destini. The current Chairman of the Board is none other than the Najib courtier Abdul Azeez Rahim, who is also the Chairman of the floundering pilgrimage fund Tabung Haji, which was caught bailing out 1MDB’s debts in a highly controversial land purchase deal last year.
The same characters just keep popping up round Najib's dodgy financial deals
The same characters just keep popping up round Najib’s dodgy financial deals – Azeez is not recommended by his MBA from a degree for sale outfit named Preston University to sound like Princeton.
It is ironic that it was announced today that AG Apandi will join this very same Abdul Azeez Rahim on the Board of Tabung Haji, after Sarawak Report yesterday exposed that the Governor of the Bank of Malaysia had expressed deep concerns about the management and losses of the fund and called for more experienced management.
In Najib’s Malaysia this small band of foxes have clearly taken control of the chicken coup and they evidently plan to keep it that way.
See again our UPDATED clarified version of the MACC chart below:
UPDATED clearer chart drawn up by Sarawak Report
UPDATED clearer chart drawn up by Sarawak Report